In Georgia, the Kremlin-backed Ivanishvili regime has gradually dismantled Georgia’s post-Soviet constitutional order of imperfect democracy. Journalist Anna Gvarishvili writes about the ongoing resistance, and how it faces the monumental task of simultaneously reclaiming popular sovereignty, building a constitutional democracy, and completing integration into Europe.
Green lasers light up the Parliament building with a bold message: “Let’s make some noise for Georgia.”
This is how protesters communicate now — direct and consequential. Gone are the stages, dancing, and songs that once drew international attention to Georgian protests. What remains is something much more profound: anger, resilience, and a fierce determination to fight for their future.
But Ivanishvili miscalculated. He didn’t anticipate the strength of the Georgian people.
That anger reached a boiling point on November 28, when Irakli Kobakhidze, Georgia’s de facto Prime Minister, announced the government would stop negotiations with the European Union until 2028. For a nation whose European aspirations span centuries, this was a betrayal. The announcement came after disputed parliamentary elections, with many questioning their fairness. Critics argue that Kremlin-backed oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, who controls the regime, created this crisis to force the West to accept his party’s fraudulent victory. But Ivanishvili miscalculated. He didn’t anticipate the strength of the Georgian people.
Since then, Georgians have protested across cities and towns like never before. It’s not just the number of people but the spirit of the resistance that feels different. The regime has tried everything to break them – water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, mass arrests, and even torture. Yet the protests grow stronger.
Over 400 people have been arrested, with more than 300 reporting beatings and inhumane treatment. Those detained, ranging from teenagers to the elderly, describe shocking abuse. Many were beaten immediately after their arrests, out of sight of the cameras. Others were tortured in police vans, where officers sprayed pepper spray into confined spaces, leaving protesters gasping for air.
Khareba commands informal groups of thugs known as titushky, regime-associated mercenary thugs who act as provocateurs during demonstrations.
At detention centers, the violence continued, with officers forming corridors to beat people as they arrived. These brutal methods are reportedly overseen by Zviad Kharazishvili, also known under the nickname of Khareba, head of the Special Task Force, who was sanctioned by the U.S. Additionally, Khareba commands informal groups of thugs known as titushky, regime-associated mercenary thugs who act as provocateurs during demonstrations, inciting violence against protesters and opposition figures. Their role became more prominent during the Euromaidan movement in Ukraine in 2014, where they participated in numerous clashes and acts of violence. Over time, the term has come to be broadly used in Central and Eastern Europe to describe violent enforcers working on behalf of oppressive regimes.
Journalists have not been spared. Many have been specifically targeted for doing their jobs. Formula TV’s Guram Rogava was assaulted on live TV, and Maka Chikhladze from TV Pirveli was attacked shortly after airing an investigation into the Special Task Force. Despite this, no police officers have faced the consequences. Instead, the de facto government continues to praise their actions.
Meanwhile, the regime is using every tool at its disposal to silence dissent. Dozens of activists’ homes have been raided. Protesters face harsh prison sentences, and even essential protective gear like gas masks has been banned. Now, the government is pushing a law to prohibit wearing masks at protests, even during tear gas attacks. These repressive measures aim to intimidate, but they seem to have the opposite effect. The more the regime tries to frighten people, the angrier and more united Georgians become.
Despite the brutality, the Georgian people remain determined. The European Union flag, now a symbol of resistance, flies proudly at protests. To Georgians, Europe represents freedom, democracy, and their rightful place in the world. Turning away from the EU means falling back under Russia’s shadow — a future they refuse to accept.
This fight is about more than today. It’s a continuation of Georgia’s long struggle against Russian influence, from the April 9, 1989 massacre, when Soviet troops killed peaceful protesters, to the wars and occupations that followed.
If the people win, they will face the monumental task of rebuilding the country’s institutions from the ground up. But the alternative — a fully consolidated Kremlin-backed dictatorship — would be a disaster for Georgia and the region.
Today, we are witnessing the birth of a third republic of Georgia. If the people win, they will face the monumental task of rebuilding the country’s institutions from the ground up. But the alternative — a fully consolidated Kremlin-backed dictatorship — would be a disaster for Georgia and the region.
Yet, time is running out. Ivanishvili has spent 12 years dismantling Georgia’s democratic institutions and building a regime that serves only him. The only branch of government to resist him—the Presidency—will fall into his hands when Salome Zourabichvili’s term ends on December 29. The West’s hesitation to act only emboldens him, as international leaders cling to the illusion that his government is legitimate. Without more substantial support from the West, the resistance could falter, and Georgia could become another authoritarian state under Moscow’s influence.
For now, Georgians keep fighting — arrested, beaten, and exhausted but unbowed. They know the stakes are high. This is their chance to reclaim their future. However, how long they can hold out without help is a question that remains unanswered.
Anna Gvarishvili